By David L. Phillips
NEW YORK -- President Barack Obama's recent trip to Myanmar is the
first by a sitting U.S. president. Human rights groups say the trip was
premature and that it is too early in Myanmar's reform process to grant
President Thein Sein the benefits of a U.S. presidential visit.
For sure, more work is needed to consolidate peace and progress in Myanmar. But Obama made the right decision.
A visit from the U.S. president encourages Sein to continue down the
path of reform, while validating the Burmese people's demands for
freedom. The visit also underscores a central feature of the Obama
administration's foreign policy: the idea that engagement is critical to
encouraging a more open and democratic system.
Before Sein's stunning pivot to the West, Burmese suffered decades of
dictatorship. General Ne Win seized power in 1962, establishing a
military junta that brutally suppressed dissent and wielded absolute
power in the face of international condemnation and sanctions. The 2008
constitution entrenched the military's power, reserving a quarter of
seats in both parliamentary chambers for the military and requiring that
generals head the key ministries of interior, defense, and border
affairs.
In addition, Myanmar has been at war with armed ethnic groups for
nearly 60 years. The 1947 Panglong Treaty established the "full autonomy
in internal administration" of the country's "Frontier Areas." General
Aung San, a pro-independence hero and signatory to the agreement, was
assassinated and the treaty languished.
Aung San's daughter, Aung San Suu Kyi, entered politics in 1988. Her
National League for Democracy (NLD) swept the 1990 election. However,
the junta cancelled the tally, jailed Suu Kyi's followers, and placed
her under house arrest for 15 years. Civil discontent erupted again in
2007. Suu Kyi was barred from elections in 2010, which were boycotted by
the NLD. Thein Sein, who served as a general and prime minister under
the junta, became president in March 2011. He initiated a gradual
process of reform, which gained momentum and culminated in the dramatic
democratic advances that are sweeping Myanmar today.
Sein freed
more than 200 political prisoners in October 2011. He relaxed
restrictions on the NLD, which won 43 of the 45 seats it contested in
by-elections of April 2012. He released another 500 political prisoners
in September 2012.
On September 19, 2012, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton announced
that the U.S. would withdraw sanctions on Myanmar. After 22 years, the
Obama administration upgraded relations, appointing a fine diplomat,
Derek Mitchell, as U.S. ambassador to Myanmar. The U.S. Agency for
International Development (USAID) is launching in-country operations
with $170 million in projects over the next two years.
The Obama administration is not blind to the risk of backsliding. Nor
is it Panglossian about Myanmar's serious problems, which will take
time to address.
Poverty is widespread, despite the country's vast forest and mineral
resources. Myanmar recently adopted a new law on Foreign Direct
Investment (FDI), in an effort to kick-start the economy and boost
employment. But the bureaucracy is resisting economic reforms, with
corruption deeply entrenched on the local level.
Peace is fragile. In late 2011, ceasefire agreements were signed with
prominent ethnic groups (e.g. Karen, Shan, Chin, Wa, Mon, and Mongla).
However, none of these cease-fire agreements has resulted in a permanent
peace agreement. The government and armed ethnic groups have not
started negotiating the details of federal and other power-sharing
arrangements.
More than 500,000 people have been displaced by ethnic conflict.
About 200,000 Karen refugees are still in limbo on the Thai-Burma
border. While the international community supports dignified return,
security and political conditions do not yet exist for their
repatriation.
Sectarian strife is on the rise. In Rakhine state, hundreds of Muslim
Rohingya have died and more than one hundred thousand displaced in
violent conflict with Buddhists. Myanmar's 800,000 Muslim Rohingya have
their historic roots in West Bengal. They are denied citizenship in
Myanmar and rejected by Bangladesh.
The government lacks capacity to face the country's daunting
challenges. Sein reshuffled his cabinet earlier in the year,
concentrating his authority and empowering Ministers Aung Min and Soe
Thein. A small circle of dedicated and capable staff work 24/7 to
address Myanmar's many challenges.
Obama commended Myanmar's progress in his public remarks, lauding
cooperation between Thein Sein and Aung San Suu Kyi. The government
committed to a process for reviewing the status of all outstanding
political prisoners. It also pledged to redouble peace-making efforts
with the Kachin, an armed ethnic group that demands political
concessions before signing a cease-fire agreement.
Myanmar's political leaders deserve high praise for progress, but
more must be done. Constitutional reforms are needed to allow nationwide
contestation by the NLD in Myanmar's 2015 parliamentary elections.
While peace with the Kachin is pivotal, so is transitioning from
cease-fire agreements to peace treaties with other armed ethnic groups.
The US can contribute to a "peace dividend" aimed at disarming, demobilizing and
reintegrating ex-combatants. The Peace Donor Support Group and the
Myanmar Peace Support Initiative are financed by Norway, other
countries, and international financial institutions.
A plan for Rakhine should include humanitarian access, health
services, livelihood programs, and a state-wide development plan.
Myanmar's 1982 citizenship law is discriminatory and should be amended.
To fill the gaps, US experts can support the Parliament's Rule of Law
Committee and help draft legislation such as the Higher Education Bill.
Training and assistance to an independent media would enhance
transparency and accountability.
Engagement is critical to the Obama administration's strategic pivot
towards Asia. In his remarks at Yangon University, President Obama
acknowledged that democratization is a process, not an event.
Obama will, however, be judged by what he does not what he says. The
US must commit the political and financial resources to help shape
events in Myanmar.
David L. Phillips is Director of the Program on Peace-building
and Rights at Columbia University's Institute for the Study of Human
Rights.
This article was published by the Global Post on November 19, 2012