India cram schools offer a chance at upward mobility

This year, half a million students competed for 9,647 spots at the Indian Institutes of Technology. Kota has emerged as a “cram capital” for the exams.

The fourth of seven children of illiterate parents, Mohammad Ahmad grew up on his family's two-acre farm with barely enough to eat. Now that farm, which supports two dozen people in his extended family, is being used as collateral for a chance to score big here in India's cram school capital.


For up to 19 hours a day, seven days a week, the 17-year-old studies, attends classes and takes mock tests, preparing for India's ultra-competitive engineering entrance exam.

In this second-tier city of dusty storefronts and belching rickshaws, Ahmad and the tens of thousands of other students embody a nation's hunger for upward mobility, social respect and a role in the new India. One can almost hear the angst in the creak of cheap student bicycles and the mantra of parents: Forget exercise, dating, video games. How will you ever get into engineering school if you don't study more?
The Holy Grail is a spot at one of 15 Indian Institutes of Technology, or IITs. Admission is blisteringly difficult -- think Harvard, Princeton and MIT combined. This year, half a million test takers nationwide elbowed for 9,647 spots. As CBS' "60 Minutes" said, the IITs are "the most important university you've never heard of."
Driving India's love affair with the schools is the promise of higher income, social status, even marriage prospects. Graduates command high salaries, better dowry terms and promising job offers with top Indian and multinational companies. Although many don't ultimately go into engineering, an IIT degree can open doors.
But the entrance exam's 98% failure rate can destroy the dreams of families such as Ahmad's that can ill afford the fees, which approach $1,400 annually.
"This isn't competition, it's gambling," said Abdul Mabood, director of the national help line Snehi, which counsels stressed students, including the legions who travel to this northern city where billboards aplenty promise success: "Unbeatable Performance!" says one. "Bull's Eye Classes," reads another.
Kota's emergence as cram capital for the 4 1/2-hour annual IIT entrance exam owes much to serendipity.
In the mid-1980s, mechanical engineer V.K. Bansal received a diagnosis of muscular dystrophy, quit his job and started coaching IIT aspirants in his kitchen. A few years later, fellow IIT graduate Pramod Maheshwari abandoned dreams of living in the U.S. after protests from his mother and started coaching from his garage.
Both saw their students do well -- IIT admissions are so celebrated that top entrants are front-page news -- and word spread. In 2000, a Bansal student garnered the highest score in India. "It was a gold medal for us," said A.K. Tiwari, Bansal's chief technology officer in a company that now has 17,000 students and dozens of teachers and administrators.
Both Bansal and Maheshwari are now multimillionaires running massive competing schools. In fact, once-industrial Kota boasts 129 "coaching institutes," from holes in the wall to marble-gilded learning factories.
"I haven't seen a single parent say they don't have the money -- they'll sell land, borrow, anything," said Prakash Joy, president of Ables Educations, another Kota cram school.
Spots at the top cram schools are so coveted that entrants take tests to join, even as schools compete to retain top instructors for programs ranging from four months to two years. "Poaching comes with coaching," said Maheshwari, whose Career Point institute boasts 20,000 of Kota's estimated 100,000 students.
For anxious parents, a key attraction to Kota is its near-complete lack of multiplex theaters or pubs. "I have no friends here," said Surabhi Kumari, 17, at Career Point. "My father doesn't want me using my phone. I'm here to study."
Local families in conservative Kota, traditionally known for its woven saris and Mughal military legacy, also play their part. While renting out rooms to students, many serve as surrogate parents, keeping careful watch over their young tenants, tracking their whereabouts and discouraging horseplay.
Four years ago, the city opened its first mall, but most students are so focused they don't know where it is, said Sumit Chaturvedi, 32, who runs hostels for boys and girls. (Separate, of course.) Recently, Chaturvedi evicted a boy for smoking so he wouldn't influence others.
"We keep these things in mind," he said. "Kota is much better for studying. Most big cities have lots of entertainment and distractions."
The IITs are the pride of India, largely free of politics or corruption, earning kudos in 2003 from Microsoft's Bill Gates for helping build Silicon Valley. Indeed, the cram schools and IITs have been criticized for subsidizing brain drain. An old joke holds that IIT graduates have one foot in India, the other aboard Air India.
Others question whether success comes at the cost of creative thinking.
"This has become an exercise much more in memorization rather than helping independent thinking," said N.R. Narayana Murthy, founder of high-tech pioneer Infosys, who says 80% of IIT graduates leave much to be desired.
The grueling process carries another price. "People who miss passing by one-tenth of a percent think they're failures," said Shiv Visvanathan, a sociology professor at O.P. Jindal Global University in Sonipat. "It's mass production of engineers, many of whom don't want to be engineers. The dream has become a nightmare."
Some of the ambivalence was captured in the 2009 Bollywood blockbuster "Three Idiots," about three engineering students, only one of whom enjoys engineering. "I will curse you the rest of my life if you force me" to become an engineer, one character tells his father. "Please, let me do what I want."
Coaching institutes deny they foster an over-reliance on rote and argue that the IITs are a means to an end. Only 20% to 25% "of people end up in engineering," said Career Point founder Maheshwari. "But you essentially go through a process and become logical and creative."
Tiwari, Bansal's technology head, pops into classrooms on an overcast afternoon where as many as 140 students at narrow desks watch teachers solve problems on overhead projectors. "If the government schools were doing their jobs, there'd be no need for coaching," he said.
Although Ahmad's family is very poor, his brother Nizamuddin, 28, a doctor's assistant, wanted him to dream big. When other family members balked at Kota's steep fees, the brother lobbied relentlessly, helping secure a $1,100 loan backed by the farm.
"He's been like a father to me, hellbent on finding a way for me to study," Ahmad said. "I owe him everything."
Even so, Ahmad arrived in Kota $950 short for the two-year cram course. Administrators denigrated him for being poor, Ahmad said, urging him to quit and barring him from classes. But his brother eventually scrounged together most of the shortfall.
Ahmad says his studying is coming along, although living in Kota is expensive. "The rich students spend money like water," he said. "Some laugh at me for being poor, but I ignore them."
Rising at 5 a.m., he studies chemistry and physics until noon, takes classes all afternoon, then studies until midnight, knowing how much depends on his results. He dreams of getting a good job, buying a laptop and supporting his parents.
"For engineers, the sky is the limit," he said. "It's a risk, but I'd never forgive myself for staying in the village and never trying."
mark.magnier@latimes.com

At least one person was killed as police drove people protesting against the Kundankulam Nuclear Power Project into the sea

By M.c. Rajan

At least one person was killed in police firing in Tuticorin district when a protest against Kudankulam Nuclear Power Project turned violent on Monday.
The police said a 44-year-old fisherman was killed when they fired at a mob that clashed with them in Manapad village, as the protest spilled over to the neighbouring Tuticorin district.
Opposing loading of uranium at Kudankulam in Tirunelveli district, the focal point of the agitation for the last two days, over 2,000 protesters fought a pitched battle, throwing stones and logs at the police.
Activists of People's Movement Against Nuclear Energy clash with the police near Kudankulam Nuclear Power Project during a protest in Tirunelveli district on Monday
Activists of People's Movement Against Nuclear Energy clash with the police near Kudankulam Nuclear Power Project during a protest in Tirunelveli district on Monday
The police resorted to lathicharge and burst teargas shells to disperse them.
Similar scenes were witnessed at the project site in Tirunelveli, where some of the anti-nuclear protesters had to plunge into the sea to escape police action. Women and children ran helterskelter and the coastline in the vicinity of the plant resembled a war zone.
Clashes ensued and the protesters were seen throwing pebbles and sand to prevent the advance of the security forces. The police were also seen hurling stones at the people.
According to initial reports, scores of protesters and a few policemen were grievously hurt in the violence. 'The situation is now under control,' said additional director general of police (law and order) S. George. Neither the police nor revenue authorities could be reached to ascertain the exact number of injured.
Police detain a demonstrator during a protest near the nuclear power project
Police detain a demonstrator during a protest near the nuclear power project
The Centre claimed that the protesters were getting support from foreign non-government organisations. 'Foreign NGOs are supporting the movement.
We are aware of the NGOs responsible,' Union home minister Sushil Kumar Shinde said in Delhi. He added that the government is very clear as far as nuclear energy is concerned and wants it to be produced in India as it is cheap and clean.
The protest began on Sunday, with over 5,000 people gathering on the shores, 500 metres from the atomic power plant. Anticipating such a stir, the state authorities had deployed 3,000 uniformed personnel, including those of the Rapid Action Force, at the project site.
Despite prohibitory orders, the protesters, who reached Vairavikinaru by sea since all the roads leading to Kudankulam were sealed, stayed on the sand overnight along with their children.
They refused to heed to the warning of top police officers, including south zone inspector general Rajesh Das, after which the lathicharge began. The crackdown has invited widespread criticism.
The Catholic Church has voiced its concern over the 'brutal use of force' on unarmed peaceful protesters, 'whose apprehensions about the safety of the nuclear plant are genuine'.
Bishop of Tuticorin Yvon Ambrosie sought the intervention of Tamil Nadu chief minister Jayalalithaa and the National Human Rights Commission to put an end to the attack on the freedom of the people.
'A large number of locals in Kudankulam have been slapped with sedition cases. The protesters were lathicharged, though they were more than a km away from the plant.
This shows the intolerant and fascist face of the government,' Supreme Court lawyer and anti-corruption activist Prashant Bhushan said.

We must ask the question: Who is an Indian?

Reuters/Stringer
Indian nationalism is not based on language, or geography, or ethnicity, or religion, but is that of an idea of an ever-ever land -- emerging from an ancient civilisation, united by a shared history, sustained by pluralist democracy, says Shashi Tharoor in the 5th annual lecture on 'Who is an Indian? A nation of minorities' organised by the National Commission of Minorities
At midnight on August 15, 1947, independent India was born as its first Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, proclaimed "a tryst with destiny -- a moment which comes but rarely in history, when we pass from the old to the new, when an age ends and when the soul of a nation, long suppressed, finds utterance". With those words he launched India on a remarkable experiment in governance.
Remarkable because it was happening at all. "India," Winston Churchill once barked, "is merely a geographical expression. It is no more a single country than the Equator."
Churchill was rarely right about India, but it is true that no other country in the world embraces the extraordinary mixture of ethnic groups, the profusion of mutually incomprehensible languages, the varieties of topography and climate, the diversity of religions and cultural practices and the range of levels of economic development that India does.
And yet India is more than the sum of its contradictions. Just thinking about India makes clear the immensity of the challenge of defining what it means to be an Indian.
How can one approach this land of snow peaks and tropical jungles, with 23 major languages and 22,000 distinct "dialects" (including some spoken by more people than Danish or Norwegian), inhabited in the second decade of the twenty-first century by over a billion individuals of every ethnic extraction known to humanity?
How does one come to terms with a country whose population is nearly 30 per cent illiterate but which has educated the world's second-largest pool of trained scientists and engineers, whose teeming cities overflow while two out of three Indians scratch a living from the soil?
What is the clue to understanding a country rife with despair and disrepair, which nonetheless moved a Mughal emperor to declaim, "If on earth there be paradise of bliss, it is this, it is this, it is this..."?
How does one gauge a culture which elevated non-violence to an effective moral principle, but whose freedom was born in blood and whose independence still soaks in it?
How does one explain a land where peasant organisations and suspicious officials once attempted to close down Kentucky Fried Chicken as a threat to the nation, where a former prime minister once bitterly criticized the sale of Pepsi-Cola "in a country where villagers don't have clean drinking water", and which yet invents more sophisticated software for the planet's computer manufacturers than any other country in the world?
How can one determine the future of an ageless civilisation that was the birthplace of four major religions, a dozen different traditions of classical dance, eighty-five major political parties and three hundred ways of cooking the potato?
The short answer is that it can't be done -- at least not to everyone's satisfaction. Any truism about India can be immediately contradicted by another truism about India. It is often jokingly said that "anything you can say about India, the opposite is also true". The country's national motto, emblazoned on its governmental crest, is "Satyameva Jayate": Truth Alone Triumphs.
The question remains, however: whose truth? It is a question to which there are at least a billion answers -- if the last census hasn't undercounted us again.
But that sort of an answer is no answer at all, and so another answer to those questions has to be sought. And this may lie in a simple insight: the singular thing about India is that you can only speak of it in the plural. There are, in the hackneyed phrase, many Indias. Everything exists in countless variants. There is no single standard, no fixed stereotype, no "one way".
This pluralism is acknowledged in the way India arranges its own affairs: all groups, faiths, tastes and ideologies survive and contend for their place in the sun. At a time when most developing countries opted for authoritarian models of government to promote nation-building and to direct development, India chose to be a multi-party democracy.
And despite many stresses and strains, including 22 months of autocratic rule during the 1975 Emergency, a multi-party democracy -- freewheeling, rumbustious, corrupt and inefficient, perhaps, but nonetheless flourishing -- India has remained.
One result is that India strikes many as maddening, chaotic, inefficient and seemingly unpurposeful as it muddles its way through the second decade of the twenty-first century. Another, though, is that India is not just a country, it is an adventure, one in which all avenues are open and everything is possible.
"India," wrote the British historian EP Thompson, "is perhaps the most important country for the future of the world. All the convergent influences of the world run through this society.... There is not a thought that is being thought in the West or East that is not active in some Indian mind." [I'm glad a Brit said that, and not an Indian.] That Indian mind has been shaped by remarkably diverse forces: ancient Hindu tradition, myth and scripture; the impact of Islam and Christianity; and two centuries of British colonial rule.
The result is unique. Many observers have been astonished by India's survival as a pluralist state. But India could hardly have survived as anything else. Pluralism is a reality that emerges from the very nature of the country; it is a choice made inevitable by India's geography and reaffirmed by its history.
India's is a civilisation that, over millennia, has offered refuge and, more important, religious and cultural freedom, to Jews, Parsis, several varieties of Christians, and of course Muslims.
Jews came to Kerala centuries before Christ, with the destruction by the Babylonians of their First Temple, and they knew no persecution on Indian soil until the Portuguese arrived in the 16th century to inflict it.
Christianity arrived on Indian soil with St Thomas the Apostle (Doubting Thomas), who came to the Kerala coast some time before 52 AD and was welcomed on shore by a flute-playing Jewish girl. He made many converts, so there are Indians today whose ancestors were Christian well before any Europeans discovered Christianity.
In Kerala, where Islam came through traders, travellers and missionaries rather than by the sword, the Zamorin of Calicut was so impressed by the seafaring skills of this community that he issued a decree obliging each fisherman's family to bring up one son as a Muslim to man his all-Muslim navy!
This is India, a land whose heritage of diversity means that in the Calcutta neighbourhood where I lived during m high school years, the wail of the muezzin calling the Islamic faithful to prayer routinely blends with the chant of mantras and the tinkling of bells at the local Shiva temple, accompanied by the Sikh gurdwara's reading of verses from the Guru Granth Sahib, with St Paul's cathedral just round the corner.
So the first challenge is that we cannot generalise about India. One of the few generalisations that can safely be made about India is that nothing can be taken for granted about the country. Not even its name: for the word India comes from the river Indus, which flows in Pakistan. That anomaly is easily explained, for we know that Pakistan was hacked off the stooped shoulders of India by the departing British in 1947. (Yet each explanation breeds another anomaly. Pakistan was created as a homeland for India's Muslims, but -- at least till very recently -- there were more Muslims in India than in Pakistan.)
So if we can't generalise, we must ask the question: who, then, is an Indian?

Are netas living up to oath of upholding India’s integrity?

Dhananjay Mahapatra

If physical features or language of an Indian becomes the reason for directing suspicious looks or violence against her/him, then the country must urgently take steps to prevent the ugly head of regionalism and linguistic parochialism making fresh attempts to tear national integrity apart.

A few months ago, students from the northeast were targeted in Maharashtra, Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh. We also saw the spectre of regionalism in MNS chief Raj Thackeray's recent speeches. Given the turbulence in northeast over illegal migrants, the fear of a vigorous agitation looms large in Assam and its neighbours. Past experience shows such agitations do not distinguish between an illegal migrant and an Indian coming from states other than the northeast.

In another instance of misplaced regionalism, Tamil Nadu thought it would endear itself to Sri Lankan Tamils through protests against tourists from Colombo. Did it anticipate the adverse impact on the lives of Tamils living in Sri Lanka? They had to down shutters to express solidarity with Lankan tourists.

National integrity is inseparable from sovereignty. After achieving independence through a non-violent movement, India became a Republic in 1950. The first election to Parliament was held in 1952. Elected representatives were mostly freedom fighters aware of the hard work that had gone in to unite people for a common goal and the importance of the country's integrity for keeping its sovereignty intact.

Within a decade, it was felt that people's representatives were drifting away from important lessons in fraternity taught during the freedom struggle and were indulging in regionalism and linguistic parochialism, which fostered sectarianism that, in turn, threatened national integrity.

The Committee on National Integration and Regionalism recommended that every candidate for membership of Parliament or state legislatures, Union and state ministers, MPs and MLAs, judges of the Supreme Court and high courts and the comptroller and auditor general of India should take oath to uphold the sovereignty and integrity of India.

The Union government accepted the recommendation and introduced the 16th Constitutional Amendment Bill, which after being passed by Parliament came into force on October 5, 1963. The Act added a line to the oath taken by each MP and MLA (also the PM and CMs) which read, "I will uphold sovereignty and integrity of India".

If the elected representatives are constitutionally bound to uphold India's sovereignty and integrity, how are they tolerating threats to the very thing they have promised to protect? Should they not face disqualification for breach of oath?

The threat of regionalism and linguistic parochialism to the integrity of India brings to mind the fears expressed by first PM Jawaharlal Nehru, who had said, "Who dies if India lives? Who lives if India dies?" We the people of India gave ourselves the Constitution and embodied in the Preamble what we expected to achieve. Its importance -- in words and practice - was lucidly explained by the Supreme Court in Dr Pradeeep Jain case [1984 (3) SCC 655].

More than 25 years ago, the court had felt that India as a nation was threatened by the divisive forces of regionalism and communalism, which were gaining ascendancy and conspiring to tear national integrity apart.

"We must realize, and this is unfortunate that many in public life tend to overlook, sometimes out of ignorance of the forces of history and sometimes deliberately with a view to promoting their self-interest, that national interest must inevitably and forever prevail over any other considerations proceeding from regional, linguistic or communal attachments," it had said.

We know India is not strung together by a common linguistic thread. Possibly, the common cultural ethos, practice and fraternal feelings helped the diverse country forge a union among States.

Father of White Revolution, Verghese Kurien, passes away

vergh.jpg.crop_display.jpg
The Amul Man is no more. After a brief period of illness, the father of India's White Revolution died early on Sunday at Nadiad in Gujarat. He was 90.
The last rites of Kurien, who is from Kerala, will be performed late on Sunday afternoon. His wife is Molly and he has a single child, Nirmala Kurien.
A Padma Shri awardee, Verghese Kurien is masterbrain behind making India the largest milk producer in the world.

Manmohan Singh congratulates ISRO

Manmohan Singh congratulates ISRO Sriharikota, Sep 9: Prime Minister Manmohan Singh today congratulated scientists and engineers of Indian Space Research Organization (ISRO) for the successful launch of an Indian rocket carrying two foreign satellites that became its 100th space mission. "I'm delighted to witness the launch of PSLV-C21 carrying two foreign satellites. On behalf of all Indians, I congratulate the space fraternity," he said after the launch of ISRO's 100th space mission here. He said the country had overcome immense odds and was proud of its space scientists for setting up world-class facilities. He said he nurtured no doubt that ISRO would achieve greater heights. Exactly at 9.51 a.m., the rocket - Polar Satellite Launch Vehicle-C21 (PSLV-C21), standing around 44 metres tall and weighing around 230 tonne, with a one way ticket - hurtled towards the skies ferrying the two foreign satellites - SPOT 6, a French earth observation satellite weighing 712 kg and 15 kg micro satellite Proiteres of Japan. (IANS)

As Dragon multiplies its war toys, India plays catch-up

Rahul Singh
New Delhi, September 08, 2012
In 2009, the Indian Army carried out top-secret war games — codenamed Divine Matrix — aimed at analysing China’s threat to the country. The conclusion: China could attack India by 2017, and there was a possibility of Pakistan stirring the pot by trying to trouble India at the same time. Three years later, while there are no immediate signs of hostility on either border, a rare visit by China’s defence minister to India last week has thrown into focus the latter’s military capabilities to defend itself in a volatile neighbourhood, where India has fought five wars since Independence.
While Beijing hailed General Liang Guanglie’s visit to India — the first by a Chinese defence minister in eight years — as “successful”, our military experts have cautioned against taking the eyes off the ball on the security implications of China’s rapidly modernising military.   
Pakistan, they say, is not even seeded in the game. “We have adequate deterrence against Pakistan, but the policy of dissuasion against China needs to be upgraded to credible deterrence so that Beijing can’t spring a surprise. We are not quite there yet,” says strategic affairs expert Brig Gurmeet Kanwal (retd).  http://www.hindustantimes.com/Images/Popup/2012/9/09-09-12-pg-09a.jpg

STOCKING UPWith its defence outlay for 2012 officially pegged at $106.41 billion ( Rs. 5.85 lakh crore), but actual military spending suspected to be twice as much, China is buffing up its war stores with strategic missiles, space-based assets, aircraft carriers, fighter jets and warships.
China’s focus has shifted from land forces to air force and navy to expand its military reach.
India’s defence outlay of $35.09 billion ( Rs. 1.93 lakh crore) pales before China’s military spending. Islamabad, meanwhile, will spend $6 billion ( Rs. 33,000 crore) on defence this year, not factoring in American aid.
India hasn’t ignored the possibility of a two-front war at a time when Beijing’s strategic intentions remain unclear.
Defence minister AK Antony told Parliament in May that his ministry would seek an additional outlay of $8.18 billion ( Rs. 45,000 crore) from the Centre, factoring in “changed threat perception”, a euphemism for the possibility of China and Pakistan coming together.
If such a scenario were to crop up, the Indian strategy would revolve around defeating Pakistan and holding China, experts said.
The proposed increase will take India’s defence expenditure from 1.9% of the GDP to 2.35%. The country’s defence spending averaged 1.59% of the GDP from 1947 to 1962, when our army suffered a humiliating defeat at the hands of the Chinese.
Experts have argued India’s defence spending ought to be around 3% of the GDP to keep up with China’s military build-up.

NEED FOR SPEED
New Delhi is pumping billions into fighting machines such as stealth jets, modern fighter, aircraft carriers, nuclear-powered submarines, submarine hunter planes, special operations aircraft and attack helicopters. But the pace of induction needs to be sped up.
Former IAF chief Air Chief Marshal Fali Major says, “One-party autocracy is the secret behind China’s swift military upgrade. Democracies will have their delays.”
http://www.hindustantimes.com/Images/Popup/2012/9/09-09-12-pg-01a.jpg
STRENGTH IN NUMBERSChina is hard to beat in terms of sheer numbers. The People’s Liberation Army Air Force (PLAAF) reportedly operates upwards of 3,500 aircraft, though much of the inventory consists of outdated designs. In comparison, the IAF has a fleet of 600-plus fighters.
But the PLAAF is fast ridding itself of obsolete platforms from the 1960s and inducting fighters such as Sukhoi-30s and JF-17 Thunder light combat aircraft.
“China may be upgrading rapidly but let’s not place it on a huge pedestal. The IAF can hold its own in a head-to-head comparison,” says Major.
The People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN), too, is numerically superior to the Indian Navy. Compared to our 135 warships, the Chinese fleet has close to 400 vessels, but the PLAN lacks robust blue-water capabilities to deploy forces far away from its shores.
EXPANDING FOOTPRINTChina is aggressively working on expanding its footprint in the Indian Ocean region, which the Indian Navy regards as its own backyard. The PLAN’s first aircraft carrier Varyag — bought from Russia in 1998 — is currently undergoing sea trials.
China eventually wants to deploy four to five carriers, an ambition that symbolises its growing maritime appetite.
Former navy chief Admiral Sureesh Mehta says, “We currently have an edge but the equation may change in a decade when the PLAN stabilises its integral air elements. They have also made significant advances in building new destroyers. We can’t afford to fall behind in fleet modernisation.”
There are other flanks that need to be covered as well. The army has not bought a single new artillery gun since the Bofors scandal exploded in the late 1980s. The $4 billion ( Rs. 22,000 crore) artillery modernisation plan has failed to take off.
Kanwal warns: “Firepower is a serious handicap. Also, we don’t have a mountain strike corps, limiting our capability to take the war deep into Chinese territory.”